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Thread: Origin of the Ancient Assyrians (split) //mod2509 days old

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    Continuing from the last few posts above.

    Do not take this seriously. Just playing around with my photo editing software.

    Wikpedia:
    Ishtar is the Assyrian and Babylonian goddess of fertility, war, love, and sex.

    [H]er cult involved sacred prostitution...[A]nd she herself was the "courtesan of the gods."
    Ishtar was the patron deity of Nineveh and Arbil. Not Ashur.

    If you are particularly shy, please do not proceed.

    Spoiler: 








    I [Nebuchadnezzar] made a trench searching for the old foundation deposits ( . . . ), and I found the foundation of Naram-Sin, the king of Babylon, a remote ancestor, and I did not remove his inscription, but put my own inscription together with his inscription.
    The Pious King: Royal Patronage of Temples
    By Caroline Waerzeggers

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    The Nestorians And Their Rituals (1842-1844, 1850). George Percy Badger

    The Nestorians of the present day have scarcely any other books beside the Church Rituals...

    Grateful, as we should be, for the mass of learning and devotion hitherto preserved to this ancient community in their Rituals and other ecclesiastical compositions, still one cannot forbear deeply regretting the irreparable shipwreck of so large an amount of Nestorian science and genius. For although it cannot be fairly presumed that any important truth, or any useful discovery in art or nature, has been snatched away from the curiosity of modern ages, still how many interesting occurrences may it in all probability be conceived, have been buried in oblivion through the successive catastrophes, which have swept away so much of the labour of past ages from the knowledge of the world.
    I [Nebuchadnezzar] made a trench searching for the old foundation deposits ( . . . ), and I found the foundation of Naram-Sin, the king of Babylon, a remote ancestor, and I did not remove his inscription, but put my own inscription together with his inscription.
    The Pious King: Royal Patronage of Temples
    By Caroline Waerzeggers

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    From the "NewChronology" message board. As in, New Chronology v. Conventional Chronology of the ancient Near East.

    The individual below is referring to a lecture, "Karkamish revisited," delivered by Prof. David Hawkins, School of Oriental and African Studies, at the University of London. Prof. Hawkins presented a paper on the same topic, in January of this year, at the "Karkemish: Attività della Missione Archeologica congiunta turco-italiana" conference in Italy. Hawkins' paper is listed here, in the conference program ("The new Luwian hieroglyphic stele from Karkemish: at the origins of the Suhi-Katuwa dynasty").

    Now, the post made to the "NewChronology" message board:

    Tue Mar 20, 2012 6:27 pm

    Prof. Hawkins gave a talk yesterday on recent developments at Carchemish. The outer town is in Syria and some recent excavations have taken place there. The inner town and citadel mound are in Turkey and after extensive mine clearance, an Italian-Turkish team was due to start excavations last year, but due to problems with permits, only the expedition leader (Nicolo Marchetti) was allowed on the site! Nevertheless, he managed to find a new stela! It mentions Great King of Carchemish Uratarhundas, son of Great King Sapazitis (the first sylable was formerly uncertain and this name was written X-pa-zitis), and Suhis (I?), a Country Lord of Carchemish, who erected the stela and seems to have been a kinsman of Uratarhundas, and it mentions a war against Sura which Hawkins now takes to be Assyria.

    The stela is similar in content to Stela A4b (picture in CoD, p.136, fig.6.7). Hawkins dates the stela in the 10th century BC, as does Peter James (CoD, p.135), but James equates Uratarhundas with Talmi-Teshub, Great King of Carchemish of the Empire period, on the basis that their names mean the same in different languages (Luwian and Hurrian respectively). Sapazitis would then be the Luwian name of Ini-Teshub, father of Talmi-T, but without equivalence of meaning. The Empire period Hittites are linked to the Egyptians, so a 10th century date would not suit NC. However, it may be possible to put all these characters in the 9th century but that would be the subject for another post.
    I [Nebuchadnezzar] made a trench searching for the old foundation deposits ( . . . ), and I found the foundation of Naram-Sin, the king of Babylon, a remote ancestor, and I did not remove his inscription, but put my own inscription together with his inscription.
    The Pious King: Royal Patronage of Temples
    By Caroline Waerzeggers

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    Vasishta (2012-04-30)

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    It's good to be back.

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    Humanist (2012-04-26)

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    More interesting bits from the "NewChronology" Yahoo group:

    Mon Apr 23, 2012 4:44 pm

    The joint German-Iraqi excavations at Assur in the 1980s to early 2000s have so far mostly been published as preliminary articles in German although there is some info on the web in English. A new article in English in an Italian journal is of interest: A. Hausleiter, 'Ashur in the 2nd and 1st Millenia BC, Archaeological Challenges', Mesopotamia 46 (2011), pp.59-70.

    One of their "challenges" seems to be, what to do with the Mittani period. On NC, Mittanian and Middle Assyrian pottery styles run in parallel whereas OC tries to put Mittanian before MA (which to some extent it can be). The table on p.63 shows the following stratigraphic sequence of strata (time running upwards):

    VA Middle to Neo-Assyrian transition (11/10th century)
    VI MA (14-11th centuries)
    VII Burials with Nuzi and MA pottery
    ? MA pottery
    VIII Two buildings
    IX Mitanni/MA transition
    IX Mitanni period (16-15th centuries)

    Where I have put a ? for the stratum number, the table makes the most unusual comment, "not assigned: maximum range between IX and VII". This relates mainly to pottery from a lane (numbered 2A6) between some buildings, which ought to be fixed into the sequence by the stratigraphy. On p.65 this lane is stated to have both Mittanian and MA pottery and it is noted that "The clear and fairly abrupt transition between Mittanian and Middle Assyrian pottery within the deposits of the lane 2A6 appears in any case remarkable." If there is really this clear transition, it should come in the second half of Str. IX (the Mittani/MA transition) and there would be no problem for OC. So, why is it floating between IX and VII?

    One aspect of the problem must be that Nuzi ware (Mittanian) was found in Str. VII, long after the supposed Mitt/MA transition. I suggest this confusion is caused by the OC idea that MA pottery follows Mittanian instead of running parallel with it.
    Last edited by Humanist; 2012-04-26 at 01:47.
    I [Nebuchadnezzar] made a trench searching for the old foundation deposits ( . . . ), and I found the foundation of Naram-Sin, the king of Babylon, a remote ancestor, and I did not remove his inscription, but put my own inscription together with his inscription.
    The Pious King: Royal Patronage of Temples
    By Caroline Waerzeggers

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    A Sealed Double Cremation at Middle Assyrian Tell Sabi Abyad, Syria

    Peter Akkermans & E. Smits (2008)

    In: D. Bonatz, R.M. Czichon & F.J. Kreppner (eds.) Fundstellen – Gesammelte Schriften zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altvorderasiens ad honorem Hartmut Kühne. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag (2008), pp. 251-261.

    Recent excavation at Tell Sabi Abyad in Syria has exposed a very substantial part of a Middle Assyrian fortified farmstead or dunnu, dated ca. 1225-1120 BCE. From its foundation early in the reign of Tukulti-Ninurta I, the dunnu was maintained by a number of high-ranking officials affiliated with the Assyrian royal house and each bearing the titles of “grand vizier” and “king of Ḫanigalbat”: successively, Aššur-iddin, Šulmānu-mušabši and Ilī-padâ.

    An extraordinarily rich cremation which dates somewhere between 1180-1140 BCE (building level 4) and which must be associated with the local administration at the site. So far, 38 graves have been uncovered in the dunnu at Tell Sabi Abyad, of which 29 were inhumations and nine were cremations.

    The cylinder-seal impression* on the obverse of the sealing shows a galloping, winged horse followed by a foal (fig. 1), produced in the typical Middle Assyrian iconographic style of the 12th century BCE (see e.g. Matthews 1990, 1992).

    Special attention is drawn to the presence of the (burnt) third phalange of a lion, which points to the inclusion of a lion-skin cloak on the funeral pyre. The dead may either have rested upon the skin or it may have covered them as a shroud. This find recalls the occurrence of bear claws in Neolithic cremation graves in northwestern Europe (see e.g. Parker Pearson 1999: 7; Smits 2000).

    The richness of finds in this grave is remarkable, when taking into account that almost all other cremations at Tell Sabi Abyad contained either simply a small number of beads or no goods at all (there is only one other cremation with a comparable inventory; cf. Akkermans/Wiggermann, in print). Before it was stated that this cremation contained the burnt remains of two young adults – a man and a woman. Both persons must have died at more or less the same time and both were subsequently cremated and buried together. In view of their sex and age, it is tempting to consider them as spouses, tied to each other both in the terrestrial world and in the hereafter. Although the dead remain unknown to us, they undeniably must have been people of status and wealth. Moreover, the clay sealing with its typical Middle Assyrian representation suggests that they (or their mourners who carried out the burial) were affiliated with the Assyrian administration at Tell Sabi Abyad. Further proof in this respect is provided by the location of the grave in the immediate vicinity of the buildings of the living – it is unlikely that any outsiders to the local community were allowed to bury their dead here. The burial vessel, too, is entirely of Middle Assyrian style and origin in terms of shape and finish, as is the jewellery found in it (see e.g. Ohuma/Numoto 2001). In short, there can be no doubt that both the dead and their mourners were part of the local community at Tell Sabi Abyad, the more so if we take into account the sheer magnitude and obvious visibility of the practice of cremation: The burning and burial were not individual acts but involved the entire community. Somewhere on the site there must have been a large funeral pyre, on which the deceased were placed together, fully dressed and equipped with adornments and covered by a lion-skin cloak. A ram was slaughtered for the occasion and its meat was consumed by the mourners either shortly before or during the fire; the remains were thrown into the flames. After the corpses had been burnt, the remains selected for burial from the surface of the extinguished pyre were stored in an urn which was subsequently covered and sealed and finally buried in a specific area very close to the houses of the living.
    *
    "Fig. 1...[R]econstruction of the seal impression."




    The location:

    I [Nebuchadnezzar] made a trench searching for the old foundation deposits ( . . . ), and I found the foundation of Naram-Sin, the king of Babylon, a remote ancestor, and I did not remove his inscription, but put my own inscription together with his inscription.
    The Pious King: Royal Patronage of Temples
    By Caroline Waerzeggers

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    Vasishta (2012-04-30)

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    Quote Originally Posted by Humanist View Post
    A Sealed Double Cremation at Middle Assyrian Tell Sabi Abyad, Syria

    Peter Akkermans & E. Smits (2008)

    In: D. Bonatz, R.M. Czichon & F.J. Kreppner (eds.) Fundstellen – Gesammelte Schriften zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altvorderasiens ad honorem Hartmut Kühne. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag (2008), pp. 251-261.

    Recent excavation at Tell Sabi Abyad in Syria has exposed a very substantial part of a Middle Assyrian fortified farmstead or dunnu, dated ca. 1225-1120 BCE. From its foundation early in the reign of Tukulti-Ninurta I, the dunnu was maintained by a number of high-ranking officials affiliated with the Assyrian royal house and each bearing the titles of “grand vizier” and “king of Ḫanigalbat”: successively, Aššur-iddin, Šulmānu-mušabši and Ilī-padâ.
    The fortress of Ili-pada.
    Middle Assyrian architecture at Tell Sabi Abyad, Syria
    Peter M.M.G. Akkermans (2006)

    In: P. Butterlin, M. Lebeau, J.-Y. Monchambert, J. Montero & B. Muller (eds.), Les espaces Syro-Mésopotamiens. Dimensions de l’expérience humaine au Proche-Orient ancien. Turnhout: Brepols (2006), pp. 201-211.

    The fortress had many faces...: it was a military outpost on the western frontier of Assyria; it was an administrative center in control of the westernmost province of the kingdom; and it provided custom facilities on the route from Carchemish to the Assyrian capital of Assur.

    However, it was not only the interests of the Assyrian state but also the private interests of the Assyrian officials themselves that were served at Sabi Abyad. For much of its lifetime, the fortress was in the hands of Ili-pada*, grand vizier of Assyria, viceroy of Hanigalbat, member of one of the most prominent lineages of Assyria, and related to the royal family. The stronghold was Ili-pada's rural estate, used by him for the agricultural exploitation of many dozens of square kilometres in the Balikh valley and elsewhere. The occurrence of texts belonging to Assur-iddin, Ili-pada's father and likewise grand vizier, suggests that the estate had been family property for a long time; it may have served as the family's power base in the province, which presented them with the revenues to finance their private court in the capital and to support their political ambitions.
    Fig. 4: "Artistic reconstruction of the Middle Assyrian fortress at Tell Sabi Abyad."





    * Wikipedia :
    Two of his [Ili-pada] sons were to follow him in attaining high office. Mardukija became governor of Katmuḫi and served his term as limmu early, during the reign of Aššur-dan I, his nephew and Ilī-padâ’s grandson. Ninurta-apal-Ekur, after a period stationed in Babylonia, presumably on official business, was to triumph in his campaign to succeed Enlil-kudurri-usur as Assyrian King, thereby establishing a royal line that endured until at least the eighth century.


    ---------- Post added 2012-04-26 at 06:57 ----------

    The Assyrian King's list, beginning with Ili-pada's son, mentioned above:

    Ninurta-apal-Ekur (1182 BCE to 1180 BCE) --> Ashur-dan I --> Ninurta-tukultī-Aššur --> Mutakkil-Nusku --> Ashur-resh-ishi I --> Tiglath-Pileser I --> Asharid-apal-Ekur --> Assur-bel-kala --> Eriba-Adad II --> Shamshi-Adad IV --> Ashurnasirpal I --> Shalmaneser II --> Ashur-nirari IV --> Ashur-rabi II --> Ashur-resh-ishi II --> Tiglath-Pileser II --> Ashur-dan II --> Adad-nirari II --> Tukulti-Ninurta II --> Ashurnasirpal II --> Shalmaneser III --> Shamshi-Adad V --> Adad-nirari III --> Shalmaneser IV --> Ashur-dan III --> Ashur-nirari V (755 BCE to 745 BCE). The line is broken by Tiglath-Pileser III.
    Last edited by Humanist; 2012-04-26 at 12:17.
    I [Nebuchadnezzar] made a trench searching for the old foundation deposits ( . . . ), and I found the foundation of Naram-Sin, the king of Babylon, a remote ancestor, and I did not remove his inscription, but put my own inscription together with his inscription.
    The Pious King: Royal Patronage of Temples
    By Caroline Waerzeggers

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    Vasishta (2012-04-30)

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    Quote Originally Posted by Humanist View Post
    A Sealed Double Cremation at Middle Assyrian Tell Sabi Abyad, Syria

    Peter Akkermans & E. Smits (2008)


    Special attention is drawn to the presence of the (burnt) third phalange of a lion, which points to the inclusion of a lion-skin cloak on the funeral pyre. The dead may either have rested upon the skin or it may have covered them as a shroud. This find recalls the occurrence of bear claws in Neolithic cremation graves in northwestern Europe (see e.g. Parker Pearson 1999: 7; Smits 2000).

    The Archaeology of Death and Burial (1999)
    by Mike Parker Pearson

    page 7

    Not sure why the author is referring to the European bear claws as Neolithic. Unless it is the "Smits" source one must refer to.

    I [Nebuchadnezzar] made a trench searching for the old foundation deposits ( . . . ), and I found the foundation of Naram-Sin, the king of Babylon, a remote ancestor, and I did not remove his inscription, but put my own inscription together with his inscription.
    The Pious King: Royal Patronage of Temples
    By Caroline Waerzeggers

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    A terrific new paper I came across.


    Beyond Aššur: New Cities and the Assyrian Politics of Landscape

    by Ömür Harmansah (2012)
    Joukowsky Institute for Archaeology and the Ancient World
    Brown University

    Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 365: 53-77.

    Abstract
    This article investigates the making of Assyrian landscapes during the late second and early first millennia b.c.e. From the late 14th century b.c.e. onward, the Assyrians designated the emergent core of their territorial state as the “Land of Aššur” in their royal inscriptions. However, over the course of the next several centuries, the cultural geography of the Land of Aššur was continuously redefined while gradually shifting northward from the arid environs of the city Aššur to the well-watered and resourceful landscapes around the confluence of the Tigris and the Upper and Lower Zab Rivers. Contemporaneously, the landscapes of the Upper Tigris basin (southeastern Turkey) and the Jazira witnessed extensive settlement and cultivation as Assyrian provinces and frontiers. Drawing on archaeological survey evidence and a critical reading of the textual accounts of urban foundations, this paper argues that such mobility of Assyrian landscapes was part and parcel of broader processes of environmental and settlement change in Upper Mesopotamia. Assyrian annalistic texts point to an elaborate rhetoric of landscape that portrays state interventions in the form of city foundations and building programs, construction of irrigation canals, planting of orchards, opening of new quarries, and settlement of populations. Furthermore, the making of commemorative monuments such as rock reliefs and stelae allowed the Assyrian state to inscribe symbolically charged places in foreign landscapes and incorporate them into the narratives of the empire. By drawing attention to the long-term trends of settlement in Upper Mesopotamia during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages and the agency of landscapes, the article contextualizes the Assyrian political rhetoric of development at the time of a highly fluid world of geographical imagination.
    [T]he formative stage of Assyria and its political landscapes relates to the broader shifts in settlement and cultural geography in Upper Mesopotamia and is particularly entangled with the formation of Syro-Hittite states of south-central and southeastern Turkey and northern Syria.
    It is important to note here that the ceramic chronologies for the Late Bronze Age to Iron Age transition in Assyrian geographies are still not well understood, and the Middle Assyrian–Late or Neo-Assyrian distinction still relies heavily on historical accounts or political periodizations rather than on firm and independent archaeological dating. There is a common assumption that Middle Assyrian = Late Bronze Age, and Neo-Assyrian = Iron Age, but this does not hold well and leaves the 12th–10th centuries b.c.e. ambiguously in between. See the discussion in Duistermaat 2008; Anastasio 2011.
    The earliest attestation of the “Land of Aššur” in royal inscriptions is from the time of Arik-dīn-ili (1307–1296 b.c.e.). One is a stone tablet from the temple of Šamaš at Aššur (Grayson 1987:120–21, text A.0.75.1, lines 3, 10, 12–13, 47). The tablet is in the Vorderasiatische Museum, Berlin (Inv. VA 5917). Here, the Assyrian king Arik-dīn-ili and other former kings are referred as lugal. kur.dingir.a-šur, “King of the Land of Aššur.” On an inscribed brick from Aššur, Arik-dīn-ili and his father Enlil-nārāri and grandfather Aššūr-uballit are all referred to as man.kur.aš-šur (Grayson 1987: 125, text A.0.75.7).
    The following pages discuss how Assyrian landscapes were reimagined and reconfigured during the late second and early first millennia b.c.e. It is proposed that this process cannot be evaluated in isolation within the political-historical framework of the Assyrian Empire, but it must be correlated to the broader environmental processes and settlement shifts in Upper Mesopotamia. During this time, there is an identifiable northward shift in the geopolitical definition of the “Land of Aššur.” I propose here that this spatial shift is not only more or less contemporaneous but also in symmetry with the southward shift of the “Land of Hatti” during the dissolution of the Hittite Empire. As discussed elsewhere, the political center of gravity in the Hittite Empire had gradually moved southward in the last two centuries of the empire, resulting in the Hittite king Muwatalli II’s attempt to move the capital from Hattuša to Tarhuntašša in Rough Cilicia (Singer 1998).
    [T]he emerging territorial state of the Assyrians was named after the city of Aššur and its titulary deity, the city Aššur itself became gradually marginal to the newly cultivated and urbanized zone of Assyria to the north.
    Figure 1




    In the 16th to 14th centuries b.c.e., the Jazira was at the heart of the Mitannian state and part of a cultural and economic network along with the rest of the northern Syro-Mesopotamian polities (Akkermans and Schwartz 2003: 346). The archaeological evidence from several excavated sites in the Assyrian core territories and the Jazira shows a continuous stratigraphy of “Mitannian” and “Middle Assyrian” material assemblages...
    Based on textual evidence, the Assyrian acquisition of the grain-growing region of Nineveh-Nimrud-Arbela was under way by the middle of the 14th century b.c.e., at the time of Aššūr-uballit I (1353–1318 b.c.e.). In his royal inscriptions from Aššur, the early 13th-century king Adad-nārārī I (1295–1264 b.c.e.) boasts that he had captured the Mitannian royal city of Taʾidu, probably located somewhere in the Upper Habur Valley, and carried out extensive rebuilding in this city.
    ^^ The above bit is of great significance, and should be understood by all who ponder the question asked by Vasishta.

    Tarbisu is usually identified with the modern site of Sherif Khan, northwest of Nineveh, and Kaḫat with Tell Barrī. The famous temple of the Hurrian weather god Tešhub at Kaḫat (Tell Barrī) was restored by Šalmaneser I (Pecorella 1990: 55).
    The switch from urban to rural seems to have been most dramatic in the transition from Mitanni to Middle and Late Assyrian (Lyon 2000: 102).
    Recent survey work and salvage excavations in the Upper Tigris basin in southeastern Turkey shows that a series of fortified settlements delineated the Anatolian frontier of the Assyrian Empire, where the countryside was found populated with agricultural settlements in the Early Iron Age.
    In the late second to early first millennium b.c.e., the region was a geopolitically crucial frontier zone between Assyria, Šubria, and Urartu, as well as the Syro-Hittite states to the west such as Melid (Malatya). In 882 b.c.e., Aššur-nāṣir-apli II refounded the city of Tušḫan as one of the provincial centers within the region. This city is now identified with the site of Ziyaret Tepe in the Diyarbakır province in Turkey...
    The Middle Assyrian material presence in the Upper Tigris region has been documented by archaeological excavations at sites such as Ziyaret Tepe (Tušḫan) (Matney and Bauer 2000: 120–21), Üçtepe (Tīdu) (Köroğlu 2002), and Grê Dimsê (Karg 2001), as well as by the surveys in the region. Radner and Schachner (2001: 763–66) suggest that this frontier zone was already settled by Assyrians at the time of Adad-nārārī I and Šalmaneser I, while the river Tigris formed a natural boundary between Assyria and the independent kingdom of Šubria to the north. The three cities of Tušḫan, Tīdu, and Sinābu formed strongholds that controlled this Assyrian frontier zone.

    Based on survey evidence from the region, B. J. Parker (2001) suggests that during the Iron Age, Assyrians brought in a new system of agricultural settlement into a limited area in the Upper Tigris basin around the floodplain, where they systematically populated the countryside with agricultural villages.
    Assyrians continuously searched for alternatives to the city of Aššur for their political capital. Aššur and its arid Middle Tigris steppe hinterland lies well outside the margins of the reliable rainfall zone and could not support a growing population with its limited agricultural hinterland...

    Assyrians of the Late Bronze Age were attracted to the well-watered, arable lands of the Upper Tigris and Habur basins, especially the region around Nineveh and Arbela (in the environs of modern Mosul and Erbil), not only for agricultural reasons but also for the region’s proximity to the metal and timber resources to the north (fig. 2). The Nineveh-Arbela area is also rich with stone quarries, offering a good variety of building stones. The decline of the Mitannian state after the mid-14th century b.c.e., succumbing to the pressures of the Hittite kings, especially and most effectively at the time of Šuppiluliuma I (1344–1322 b.c.e.), allowed the Assyrians to advance and take hold of these territories...
    Figure 2



    The image of the city Aššur as an ancestral land of dwelling and belonging, as well as the symbolic power of its deity, were transported across the territories of the empire through the representations of the state and its royal discourse. The story of Aššur in the second millennium b.c.e. then involves a continuous delocalization of the cult and its sacred realm, and its physical redistribution to the edges of the empire as an agent of colonization and sanctification of landscapes at the same time.

    When the Land of Aššur physically shifted northward to the Upper Tigris basin, Aššur acquired the status of being a place of antiquity, a place of historical value to the Late Assyrian kings, who benevolently continued to renovate and rebuild its archaic sanctuaries.
    [T]he Assyrians continued to settle the region east of the Tigris during the Iron Age, incorporating the tributary valleys of the river such as the Lower and Upper Zab and the better irrigated terrains with rich soils in between them (Wilkinson 2003: fig. 7.1).
    During the fifth year of his reign, in 879 b.c.e., Aššur-nāṣir-apli initiated the construction of a new capital city at the modern site of Tell Nimrūd, ancient Kalḫu, 65 km upstream from Aššur (Oates and Oates 2001) (figs. 4–5). The administrative-political center of the empire was finally moved for good from the Middle Tigris region to the fertile, undulating agricultural land near the confluence of the Tigris and the Upper Zab.
    Despite the economic difficulties and climatic fluctuations at the close of the Late Bronze Age, the “Land of Aššur” was redefined in the well-watered and well-supplied Ninūwa-Kalḫu-Arbela region near the confluence of the Tigris and Zab Rivers.
    At the time when broader shifts of settlement were taking place in Upper Mesopotamia, these landscape projects created a collective sense of identity and territorial unity under the continuously but subtly changing definition of the Land of Aššur, sometimes at the expense of ancestral cities. Furthermore, the landscape commemorations linked the present to a collectively shared past. Through the memorialization of the past in inscribed public monuments, both in Assyrian cities and at the frontiers, the Assyrian conceptualization of history and the extent of its home landscape “Land of Aššur” are articulated in the mind of the public.
    I [Nebuchadnezzar] made a trench searching for the old foundation deposits ( . . . ), and I found the foundation of Naram-Sin, the king of Babylon, a remote ancestor, and I did not remove his inscription, but put my own inscription together with his inscription.
    The Pious King: Royal Patronage of Temples
    By Caroline Waerzeggers

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    Ezekiel 23:12

    The "she" here is Israel. Same passage. Different versions.

    New International Version (1984)
    She too lusted after the Assyrians--governors and commanders, warriors in full dress, mounted horsemen, all handsome young men.
    English Standard Version (2001)
    She lusted after the Assyrians, governors and commanders, warriors clothed in full armor, horsemen riding on horses, all of them desirable young men.
    New Living Translation (2007)
    She fawned over all the Assyrian officers--those captains and commanders in handsome uniforms, those charioteers driving their horses--all of them attractive young men.
    I [Nebuchadnezzar] made a trench searching for the old foundation deposits ( . . . ), and I found the foundation of Naram-Sin, the king of Babylon, a remote ancestor, and I did not remove his inscription, but put my own inscription together with his inscription.
    The Pious King: Royal Patronage of Temples
    By Caroline Waerzeggers

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