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Thread: The Superiority of The Nordic Race and its Sub-Racial Types27 days old

  1. #91
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    Race Realist Lemminkäinen's Avatar
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    Dutton is wrong as always. Sexual dimorphism in weightlifting is explained by doping. Women give best response for masculine hormones and amounts can be much smaller than in case of men. Men need extremely high doses to make same progress, actually doses for men have to be high enough to destroy their liver and health.
    Blog:, with essence "Believe me, or I'll nuke you".

    H39 - Thracia 1650 BC, Hungary 5000 BC
    I1 - Transdanubia 5000 BC

    Three simple facts about Finns:
    1. Baltic Finnic languages (including Finnish) never came from the Volga basin along with ancestors of present-day Finns.
    2. Finnish I1 (around 30% of all Finns) has Germanic roots from the late Bronze Age or the early Iron Age.
    3. As to the Finnish prehistory we have no evidences about any Iron Age (or later) east-to-west migration, but many unquestionable evidences about west-to-east migrations.

    Väinämöinen - R1a
    Lemminkäinen - I1
    Joukahainen - N

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  3. #92
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    2019-09-10 @ 11:34
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    Quote Originally Posted by Arch Hades View Post
    It's from John R Baker's "Race" 1974. A book i read a decade ago when I was in college.

    Found the quote, it's on page 508 of the book. (page 524 of the PDF)

    Colin Renfrew, 'The Emergence of Civilisation: The Cyclades and the Aegean in the third millennium BC' (1972):

    "The diffusionist theory suggests that civilisation came about in the Aegean as a result of strong contacts with Egypt or the Near East… this view implies some radical changes within the system following the introduction of new customs (and artefacts) from outside. Childe’s view of the transference of civilisation, to secondary and tertiary centres, implies the adoption of a whole series of innovations in a relatively short space of time, most of these being activity patterns already well established in the primary centre… but the evidence does not support its relevance in this case. Trading contacts in the third millennium with Egypt were few, and with the Near East even fewer. There are indications of a directional trade for the first time in Mycenaean times, when Aegean pottery is widely found in the east Mediterranean. So that, while a freelance commercial trade between Crete and the Levant or Egypt was probably beginning in the later third millennium, its economic significance cannot have been great. The local redistribution of foodstuffs and other goods must have taken place on a very much larger scale. The economic effect on other regions of the Aegean of any trade with the east Mediterranean was quite negligible… the fundamental changes of the time, in the social, subsistence and craft subsystems, do not appear as the result of east Mediterranean contact. They are seen in other regions of the Aegean where such contact was lacking. Indeed the contacts within the Aegean, between its various regions, seem both economically and in terms of the flow of innovations, to have been more important… essential transformations in Aegean society leading to the emergence of civilisation must be viewed principally in Aegean terms."


    Regarding writing:

    "The two basic elements of any system for recording are distinguishing marks, and a numerical notation…. seals and sealings of the early bronze age already fulfilled some of these functions, indicating ownership (or source), and possibly also the nature of the commodity. During the early bronze age there was also a series of pot marks, especially at Phylakopi. These marks incised on the body or more generally the base of the pot before firing obviously embody a numerical notation.

    It is possible, indeed, in the Aegean to see an evolution in the expression of meaning by means of incisions upon clay. In the late neolithic at Sitagroi in Macedonina, clay roll-cylinders are seen with incised decoration, which, like those Poliochni and Kapros in Amorgos, will have been used to stamp moist clay. At the same time in the Balkans, around 4000 BC in radiocarbon years [c. 4900 BC in calendar years], signs were incised on pots and even on clay tablets. They bear a superficial resemblance to the pot marks of Phylakopi I some two millennia later. In phase III at Sitagroi many spindle whorls are found with incised motifs… These are rare in phases IV and V at Sitagroi, but analogous incisions become very common at Troy during the early bronze age. Schliemann considered these signs of Trojan spindle whorls, and also cylinder seals, to represent writing, comparing them indeed with those of south-east Europe. Sayce even attempted their decipherment (Schliemann 1880, 691)… the evolution of signs on the whorls has points of comparison with the development of the Early Minoan seals.

    Evans (in Atkinson et al. 1904, 181) made a systematic study of the ‘pottery marks’ found at Phylokopi largely in levels of the First City, and recognised among them four classes:

    1. Geometric marks either traditional or of arbitrary origin;
    2. Pictographic signs;
    3. Signs identical with those of the Knossian Linear script;
    4. Numerals.

    It is clear that signs were first incised on the pottery in the early bronze age, and continued to the middle and late bronze age age, when signs of the Minoan Linear A and B scripts are seen. A sherd of Middle Helladic Grey Minyan ware from Naxos is also incised with a Linear A sign. Pottery marks or signs of this kind are common in mainland Greece during the middle bronze age… it would thus be possible to claim that ‘writing’ began its development in the Aegean during the early bronze age.”


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